The new agreement adopted on October 26 by the EU Summit formally reduces the sovereignty of Greece and imposes on our country a new occupation through the installation of a permanent representation of the IMF-EU-ECB troika. This foreign “Task Force” will have the real power by approving (or not) the policy of the Greek government and by dictating the “necessary” legislation to the Parliament. The “haircut” of a part of the public debt (not of the debt towards the IMF-EU-ECB troika…) will not resolve the “Greek problem”, and much more the Eurozone crisis, although it is accompanied by medieval measures leading to social destruction and extreme pauperization of the big popular majority. Most bourgeois economists themselves, admit that the EU Summit’s resolutions will not offer any real relief to the deep crisis – even in the (most unlikely) event that the Greek society as a whole will accept to regress to total misery without further reactions leading to a popular uprising. The IMF itself admits that, even with the most optimistic scenario, “If Greece will apply all the necessary measures, its debt will be reduced to 120% of the GDP in the year 2020” – that is, Greece will be destroyed in order to arrive, in 10 years, to a debt rate that will be still higher than the debt rate that Greece had in 2010 (115% of the GDP), when the IMF-EU-ECB troika decided to “save” us! But even this “optimistic” scenario will be contradicted by the reality within months, if not weeks – as it has happened with all the previous “salvation programs” and “projections” of the IMF-EU-ECB troika during the last year and half.

Just to further complicate the plans of the “markets”, of the imperialist forces and of their local puppets, the last two years the Greek people has forcibly entered the central political scene, imposing its presence as an important independent factor, which directly influences the developments. The last two years the popular movement has passed through three phases: 1) the first phase, marked by many general strikes, with the trade union movement and the Left parties playing the leading role and advancing defensive demands; 2) the second phase, with the broad masses entering the political scene in an independent way, through the squares’ movement of the Indignados, which in many cases surpassed the “economist” demands of the Left and adopted offensive demands, struggling to overthrow the whole political system; 3) the third phase is the actual one – the popular movement, now more conscious of the difficulties of the struggle and of the huge tasks it has, comes forward as a third wave, stronger than the previous two that were obliged to retreat. The unprecedented participation of the masses in the last political general strike of October 19-20 and the, even more unprecedented, explosion of the popular anger during the official celebrations of our National Day on October 28, has provoked panic to the puppet government and the whole political system.


October 31: Papandreou suddenly announced that the government will organize a referendum “sometime in the beginning of 2012” about the new agreement adopted on October 26 by the EU Summit. This development was directly influenced by the popular protests on the National Day of October 28, which made the whole regime shaking and panicked all the systemic political parties. It becomes clear that Papandreou’s threat to hold a referendum constitutes a major blackmailing against everyone:

1) His own party’s MPs and ministers, who on October 28 have felt on themselves the breathing of the people in rage, and desperately try to save themselves, as they are unable to appear anywhere in public and their personal future is in great danger.

2) The other systemic political forces, from the right wing main “opposition” party of New Democracy to the “Democratic Left”, which until now refuse to offer him a formal consensus, as that would possibly lead to their collapse as well.

3) The foreign creditors, who refuse to offer him the oxygen of immediate application of the EU Summit’s resolutions before he manages to impose on the Parliament all the new measures they demand – this situation is further complicated by the inter-imperialist contradictions (the USA do not seem unhappy with the perspective of a Eurozone in big troubles) and by the refusal of the “markets” and of most bankers to bear their part of the cost of Greece’s “salvation” through the haircut of the debt.

4) The Greek people, as Papandreou tries to impose a fake dilemma: “You want the European perspective with the Euro and the salvation offered by our creditors, or the Balkan misery with the bankruptcy and the re-instauration of the national currency?”

The threat of Papandreou for a referendum has also a more “selfish” purpose: He and his clique are trying to negotiate an “honorable retreat” and to assure their immunity in the case of overthrow. By suddenly claiming that he wishes the “popular approval” (after two years of destructive “agreements” with the troika, against his own electoral program and against the will of the big popular majority), he is attempting to win time and to present himself as “the man who struggles for Greece against foreign and local interests”. At the same time, he sends the (not very credible anymore) message to the foreign creditors that “his team is the only one who can impose, through these tactics, the new measures demanded by the troika after the October 26 agreement”.

November 1: The response of the various factors “blackmailed” by Papandreou’s regime starts to be felt, accelerating the huge political crisis:

1) Various governmental MPs declare that they intend to quit the PASOK parliamentary group in case Papandreou insists with the holding of the referendum. One of them formally quits the governmental majority. On the opposite side, one MP originating from the right wing “opposition” declares that she will support Papandreou “for the sake of the nation”. One of the two vice-presidents of the government declares that he was “surprised” by Papandreou’s proposal for a referendum (…) and that “we must take into account the reactions of our foreign allies”.

2) All the “opposition” systemic parties refuse to follow Papandreou’s tactics and to offer him political coverage. They all demand the holding of general elections instead of a referendum, and they all insist that “this government must immediately step down”. The right wing bourgeois “opposition” condemns Papandreou’s “adventurist proposals, which put Greece in disagreement with our foreign allies and creditors”. They will probably attempt to save the political system (and to continue the transformation of Greece into a protectorate) without Papandreou’s clique.

3) The foreign powers follow each one a different agenda, led by inter-imperialist contradictions and by the pressure exercised on them by the more and more independent “markets”. Angela Merkel is not at all happy with the tactics of Papandreou, but she “understands the internal needs of the Greek government”. Nicola Sarkozy appears more anxious, as the major French banks, deeply implicated in the Greek crisis, risk to collapse in case of an uncontrolled bankruptcy. The EU as a whole in reality is unable to adopt a common stance for the “Greek problem” (which is not at all just “Greek”). The USA malevolently “warn” that the EU is unable to manage the problem, and probably offer a covert support to Papandreou’s regime, “selfishly” letting the Eurozone crisis get deeper.

4) The Greek people is less and less duped by the system’s “promises” and internal quarrels, and continues to exercise a huge pressure on the whole political system. Even in the (improbable) case a referendum will take place, the Greek people will say NO with a clear majority, no matter how the enemy will formulate the question.

In this climate, an extraordinary meeting of the Ministers’ Council was announced for 6:00 PM. It did not start until 8:00 PM, as all the sides were busy in intensive secretive bargains. The Ministers’ Council lasted until the early morning hours of November 2.

November 2 (noon): The Ministers’ Council after 8 hours of discussion resulted in a “unanimous” decision to go on with Papandreou’s proposal for a referendum. All the possibilities remain open until Friday, when the Parliament will decide on the procedure of confidence vote to the government. All the opposition parties (including the Communist Party – KKE and the Radical Left Coalition – SYRIZA) insist on the holding of general elections instead of a referendum.

KOE declares that elections cannot answer the problem, nor can they give a perspective to the demands of the Greek people for survival and freedom. The struggle must continue until we overthrow the whole political system, with the people exercising the real democracy and regaining the independence of Greece. For this reason, KOE calls all the popular political and social forces to maintain as central demand the overthrow of the government by the people and not to prioritize the general elections.

In any case, if an electoral procedure of any form takes place (especially a referendum), the result that has to be pursued is the unity of the people in broad popular base committees, the blackening of all those who support the new occupation and the transformation of Greece into a protectorate.

Furthermore, KOE calls upon SYRIZA and all the popular forces to work sincerely for the building of the People’s Political and Social Front, to immediately put forward the demand for the full suspension of the debt’s payment, and to prepare for the productive restructuring of the country.

Athens, November 2, 2011